In his last sentence, Gerzon suggests that "third side leaders" are similar to cross-boundary leaders. Maybe we can start with leaders playing each of Bill Ury's Third Side roles, and then we can expand to leaders operating in larger scopes across the roles--such as, the leaders -- presidents, prime ministers, and legislators -- of the . and other large and powerful countries that can bring so much assistance or pain to the rest of the world. Clearly, we need to give a lot more thought to what is needed in our leaders, and how we can choose leaders who fulfill those needs successfully.
The notion of surplus wage also throws new light on the continuing ‘anti-capitalist’ protests. In times of crisis, the obvious candidates for ‘belt-tightening’ are the lower levels of the salaried bourgeoisie: political protest is their only recourse if they are to avoid joining the proletariat. Although their protests are nominally directed against the brutal logic of the market, they are in effect protesting about the gradual erosion of their (politically) privileged economic place. Ayn Rand has a fantasy in Atlas Shrugged of striking ‘creative’ capitalists, a fantasy that finds its perverted realisation in today’s strikes, most of which are held by a ‘salaried bourgeoisie’ driven by fear of losing their surplus wage. These are not proletarian protests, but protests against the threat of being reduced to proletarians. Who dares strike today, when having a permanent job is itself a privilege? Not low-paid workers in (what remains of) the textile industry etc, but those privileged workers who have guaranteed jobs (teachers, public transport workers, police). This also accounts for the wave of student protests: their main motivation is arguably the fear that higher education will no longer guarantee them a surplus wage in later life.